In the ANC 52nd National. Conference we took a decision to equalise the pensionable age for the older persons;. That since Polokwane we. General assessment of resolutions. The ANC's 52nd National Conference ( Polokwane, December ) took resolutions that: * effectively. The 52nd National Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) was held in Polokwane, . Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version.

Anc 52nd National Conference Resolutions Pdf

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Conference and to discuss the resolutions contained Executive Committee must convene the national conference every five years. Rule of the ANC. The ANC held its 52nd National Conference at the University of Limpopo in Polokwane from December Jacob Zuma was elected as ANC President. The Mafikeng conference of the ANC marked the handing over of the leadership baton by the .. national solidarity, and mass mobilisation as the pillars of the . The resolutions of Polokwane were not too dif- ferent from.

It was made clear that no single alliance partner can claim sole responsibility for the NDR, let alone lead it — these were now the tasks for alliance partners acting jointly and effectively using their respective locations to do so.

At the same time we should strengthen capacity to monitor the side-effects of ARVs. This regulation should take into account the country's commitment to land reform, restitution, redistribution and access to land. Compensation shall be awarded in accordance with the constitution with special emphasis on equity, redress and social justice.

All legislation pertaining to expropriation must be aligned with the constitution. Merge the National Youth Commission and Umsobomvu during the course of These assessments should then advise on the form and content of whatever institutional mechanisms to be put in place in pursuit of women emancipation and broadly addressing gender matters.

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Intervene strategically in these sectors to drive the growth, development and transformation of the structure of our economy.

This central objective should be reflected in the terms of reference of development finance institutions, bodies such as the Competition Commission, the terms of public procurement and public incentives, the sequencing of industrial and trade policy reforms and our sustainable macro-economic policy stance.

By his own admission, he simply invented marks for himself. This was proven false.

He used taxpayer's money to fund a party for his mother and secured a government car for his girlfriend, whereafter he was appointed as a member of the inter-ministerial task team on corruption.

It is sad that well meaning South Africans have to contend with this backward attitude. I do know some wonderful and thoughtful black people.

But think they can voice opinions about statute and get their way oh dear. From now I shall address the blacks of South Africa as monkeys as I see the cute little wild monkeys do the same, pick drop and litter.

For example, Kenny Barrel Nkosi, an ANC ward councillor Govan Mbeki Municipality, Mpumalanga posted the following on his Facebook account: "The first people that need to fokkof [fuck off] are whites, cubans never oppressed us. At a Gupta family wedding held at Sun City in , various incidents of racism occurred.

The family made clear that they wanted only white workers, including waiters, security, bar staff and cleaning staff. Nonetheless, in the Gupta e-mail leak of these allegations were shown to be correct.

The 52nd ANC National Conference - Polokwane 2007

Ironically — due to the fact that Chris Hart, prominent economist and investment strategist at Standard Bank , was forced to resign for his racist tweet stating that "[m]ore than 25 years after Apartheid ended, the victims are increasing along with a sense of entitlement and hatred towards minorities….

Lulu Xingwana , former ANC Minister of Women, Children and People with Disabilities, stated that "[y]oung Afrikaner men are brought up in the Calvinist religion believing that they own a woman, they own a child, they own everything and therefore they can take that life because they own it".

So this over-concentration of coloureds in the Western Cape is not working for them.

They should spread in the rest of the country When asked for comment by a news agency, the ANC spokesperson, Zizi Kodwa stated that there will be no comment from the ANC, as "[h]e [Malema] was addressing his own party supporters. However, this initiative was strangled by However, this effort was sidelined by the left—populist groups, determined to secure Zuma the presidency, and the pro-Mbeki faction, determined to re-elect him.

Mbeki and Zuma both rejected attempts to persuade them to stand down in favour of younger compromise candidates. Zuma believed not only that he could win the race against Mbeki, but that he could save himself from prosecution by becoming ANC president.

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Furthermore, those supporting either Mbeki or Zuma had invested heav- ily in the campaigns of their heroes, and expected to lose future patronage if the other candidate became ANC president: this made them unwilling to support a compromise candidate.

Many ANC members reckoned that Mbeki was so powerful that the only way to get him out was to concentrate all resources on supporting Zuma. Other younger candidates in this two-way split threw their weight behind either Mbeki or Zuma, hoping that, if their candidate won, he would either anoint them, or not stand in their way during future contests.

The top leadership of the ANC is now in the hands of the pro-Zuma, left—populist group. The paralysing effect of two centres of power Ironically, the fierce tussle within the ANC—between Mbeki and his centrist group in government, and Zuma and the left—populist group—is likely to undermine government decision making and hence service delivery.

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The two centres of power have created a debilitating leadership vacuum at the heart of government, which increases uncertainty among senior civil servants. Public institutions are increasingly caught in this two-way fight.

The division between the two factions of the ANC is already fiercely fought in the security services. Worryingly, the pro-Zuma left—populist alliance has aimed its fire power at the judiciary, daily lambasting it for alleged bias against Zuma.

Will there be any policy shifts? However, this has been fiercely opposed It has been put on hold because of objections from civil groups. The good thing is that the media, the judiciary, and the legal profession, as well as civil groups such as business, have strongly opposed both these two controversial proposals—and will continue to do so.

Another is a proposal to regulate funding for political parties. Currently, the ANC is besieged by allegations that the party itself and senior figures have accepted tainted money, or money for favours, from both local and international public and private entities.

Another im- portant policy adopted in December was the proposal to have 50 percent representation of women in all structures of the ANC, although pro-Zuma supporters blocked the rule from being applied to the top six leadership positions.

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The policy constraints of the political uncertainty The big question remains whether Zuma can deliver to all the different constituencies in his camp, ranging from the left to traditionalists backing virginity testing and supporters of the death penalty.The Mangaung conference of the movement, as we shall see, was not presented with an opportunity to contemplate highly destructive proposals for change. Another im- portant policy adopted in December was the proposal to have 50 percent representation of women in all structures of the ANC, although pro-Zuma supporters blocked the rule from being applied to the top six leadership positions.

This will require eliminating an over-reliance on tenders where this is consistent with the delivery of effective services. Tokyo Sexwale , previously a candidate, withdrew his candidacy and endorsed Mbete, who was speaker of the national parliament until she became deputy president of the country following Thabo Mbeki's resignation on 20 September The left advanced mostly modest demands with the exception of national health insurance, a major development beyond the scope of this paper : a progressive realization of socio-economic rights, fair labour practices, social security for the poor, universal access to basic services, and on-going programmes to defeat poverty.

Almost every country in the region has now been through two or three alternations between privatization and nationalization Chang et al. Economic policy debate at the conference centred upon a document prepared by the ETC that rejected 'wholesale' state ownership and proposed only 'strategic nationalisation' where a firm rationale for it could be established.